23rd January has become an important date on the calendar for many Kenyans because the International Criminal Court (ICC) is expected to seal the fate of the Ocampo Six with a ruling that will decide whether there is enough evidence to warrant the case to go to full trial. The development is expected to radically affect the presidential campaigns because two of the six suspects - Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta and Eldoret North MP William Ruto - are eyeing the presidential post.
Summary of events so far
On the 9 of July 2009, the evidence that had been gathered by Kenya Court of Appeal Judge Philip Waki and a sealed envelope were sent to the ICC chief prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo. Four months later, on 5th November 2009, the pro¬secutor announced he intended to request authorization to proceed with an investigation to determine who bore greatest responsibility for crimes committed during the post-election violence. On 15th December 2010 Moreno-Ocampo announced the names of the six suspects and many of the legislators who had opposed the tribunal bill accused the court of selective justice.
The ICC then conducted pre-trial hearings to determine if there was adequate evidence to proceed to a full trial. In the first case, MPs William Ruto, Henry Kosgey and radio presenter Joshua arap Sang are suspected of being criminally responsible pursuant to article 25(3)(a) of the Rome Statute for the crimes against humanity of:
Murder (article 7(l)(a))
Forcible transfer of population (article 7(l)(d))
Persecution (article 7(l)(h))
On the other hand, Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta, Head of Civil Service Francis Muthaura and Postmaster General Hussein Ali are allegedly criminally responsible pursuant to article 25(3)(a) of the Rome Statute for the crimes against humanity of:
Murder (article 7(l)(a))
Forcible transfer (article 7(l)(d))
Rape (article 7(l)(g))
Persecution (article 7(l)(h))
Other inhumane acts (article 7(l)(k))
Possible Verdicts
The judges can confirm charges against some suspects, and set others free, as criminal responsibility is not group responsibility but individual criminal responsibility.
The judges can reject some of the counts against individual suspects and confirm others, for example out of the five charges; three could be thrown out, leaving two.
The three judges can confirm the charges but request the prosecutor to amend them. For example, the chamber can grant Prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo's wish to include additional charges of rape in Kibera and Kisumu against Muthaura and Ali.
The judges can drop all the charges pressed against the six suspects. The judges can decide that prosecution evidence was insufficient to meet the threshold and reject all the charges for the six suspects.
If the judges decide to commit a suspect to trial, the defendant continues to be presumed innocent until guilt is proven beyond reasonable doubt. The defendant will remain free unless ordered otherwise by the judges. This can happen if for example the suspect violates any of the conditions put on him by the judges.
Where we currently stand
So far, efforts to establish a special tribunal to try the post-election violence suspects failed after parliament's attempts to pass a Bill proposing the same became unsuccessful. Even last minute lobbying by the president and prime minister did not convince parliamentarians. It may seem that many who were against a Kenyan tribunal were of the assumption that the process in The Hague would be longer and more drawn out, enabling the suspects with presidential ambitions to participate in the forthcoming election.
Though the ICC cannot bar them from vying, Law Society of Kenya (LSK) chairman Kenneth Akide says that anyone can file a case in local courts citing Chapter Six of the Constitution on covers leadership and integrity and lock them out. Article 66 of the Rome Statute, however, states that everyone shall be presumed innocent until proved guilty before the Court in accordance with the applicable law. Article 99(3) of our constitution further provides that a person cannot be disqualified from being elected as a member of parliament unless all possibility of appeal or review of the relevant sentence or decision has been exhausted. This is an indicator that the ICC process cannot bar the named suspects from participating in the forthcoming elections.
To several Kenyans, nonetheless, the ICC's involvement is a gesture that embedded impunity for wealthy and powerful politicians will not be permitted to continue. The International Court will prosecute perpetrators of gross electoral violence if the national courts are unable or unwilling. For politicians cultured to impunity, this will change how politics are conducted in our country.
The Kenyan government needs to close the impunity gap by complementing the ICC process with a similar national process. It should begin by directing the attorney general to investigate other individuals suspected of involvement in the violence that followed the 2007 elections with a view to carrying out prosecutions in the domestic courts.
With the arrival of the Biometric Voter Registration Kits, a 30-day voter registration kicked off countrywide on Monday. The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission's (IEBC) target is to register at least 18 million voters. A total of 29 000 voter registration clerks have already been trained for the exercise.
The BVR Kits are expected to help curb election fraud by improving on the integrity of the registration. A voter's fingerprint and photograph are taken to ensure that the ones registering are the ones who will turn up to vote. The Biometric voter registration uses fingerprints and facial features to uniquely identify each voter. So Kenyans will only be required to produce their national identity cards during the voting process, in a move that is a major break from the past.
The Kshs 7 Billion Electronic Biometric Voter Registration Solution allows the IEBC to:
Register voters "in the field"
Issue different types of voter ID cards (Laminated paper, or high-quality PVC) in the field or from headquarters
Store data in a reliable and secure manner
Search for duplicates based on multi-biometrics
Manage the database and produce reports, including the final voter registry
Issues like double registration, ghost voters and double voting should bot feature anymore with the adoption of this system. During the last elections, which resulted in the infamous post election violence, the manual voter registration was faulted by many observers as being one which was open to rigging.
The electronic registration process is taking place at 25 000 centres countrywide. Churches, schools, trading centres and markets will serve as registration centres. Registration will take place everyday, including Saturdays and Sundays from 8am to 5pm. All Kenyans are being encouraged to show up and register, irrespective of whether or not one has registered before in the past. There will be no extension after the 30 days, expected to end on the 19th of December. This is because there is a law that says that registration must conclude 60 days before the election, which is now scheduled for March 4th.
Meanwhile, the President has assured Kenyans of security during the registration process and has warned would be troublemakers against trying to disrupt the Voter Registration. There are some reports that the MRC are currently suing the IEBC, claiming that the commission doesn't have the legal authority to demarcate constituencies and wards in Coast Province, because they believe that the province was never legitimately incorporated into Kenya.
The International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutor's anticipated five-day visit to Kenya came to a final point last week after she had addressed what was believed to have been the core matters that had triggered her jetting into the country in the first place.
Through a press conference, Fatou Bensouda informed the public that the ICC was fully convinced that the four suspects against whom charges had been lodged at the criminal court had a case to answer.
The prosecutor further clarified that contrary to what many Kenyans believe; the ICC is not prosecuting the government or any ethnic community. She pointed out that the ICC was not in Kenya to eliminate a particular political candidate but rather, Kenya being a signatory to the Rome Statute gave the ICC process its legitimacy.
Bensouda called for cooperation from Kenyans as she expressed concerns that the Government had delayed in submitting information that was important in facilitating the trial against the four suspects. She also sought the assurance that witnesses would be accorded adequate protection as she issued a stern warning against individuals threatening the court's witnesses and their families.
The ICC Prosecutor gave the government up to the end of November 2012 to submit all the requested information to enable her to establish a strong case against the four ICC suspects. She pointed out that the prompt submission of this evidence will enable her to give the four suspects a fair trial at The Hague.
Bensouda also met victims displaced by the post-election violence in Nakuru. She reassured them that the trial of Kenyan suspects in the court is not connected to the upcoming general elections.
In a meeting with President Mwai Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga, Bensouda acknowledged assurances from the two principals that civil servants and police will testify at the ICC as witnesses. The prosecutor added that the responsibility of prosecuting mid-level commanders and those who perpetrated the actual attacks was upon the government of Kenya reiterating that it was impossible for the ICC to prosecute everybody.
One controversial impasse surrounding the 2013 General Elections is that two ICC suspects; William Ruto and Uhuru Kenyatta are contesting for presidency. Upon questioning uncertainty, Bensouda pointed out that ICC prosecutors will not hesitate to seek the court's help if the Government or the accused in the Kenya cases fail to co-operate over next year's trials. Warrants of arrest would be issued if Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto fail to comply with court directives if elected President in the coming General Election. She explained that if elected President, the two accused would be expected to attend to the trials at The Hague.
ICC prosecutor has sought to distance herself from Kenya's domestic political scene articulating that ultimately, Kenyans bear the responsibility if deciding the outcomes of the elections and the future of the country. At this point, one thing remains clear, the court is not ready to meddle in the country's political affairs but to ensure that justice is served to all the victims of the post-election violence
The self-styled Mombasa Republican Council (MRC) 'President' Omar Mwamnwadzi has just been granted bail on a 3 Million shilling bond. The leaders of the group have either been arrested or been on the run since a renewed crack down by the government. This is in stark contrast to the jubilant scenes by supporters when a court ruled in favour of the group, effectively giving them a chance to be a legal entity. Two years ago, the Minister of State for Provincial Administration and Internal Security, the late George Saitoti had published a Gazette Notice (No. 12585), which stated that the MRC was an organized criminal group that was unconstitutional. Despite all the controversy surrounding them, the MRC then filed a petition to the court seeking determination on whether or not they should be considered unconstitutional. Subsequently, after a careful assessment of the facts at hand and the position of the law, the High Court lifted the ban on the MRC, giving them licence to pursue their agenda – as long as they remained within the confines of the law. But since then, the Country has witnessed a spate of violent attacks and confrontations between law enforcement officers and members of MRC. So what changed the tide against them once again?
According to the police, there have been a series of events attributed to the MRC that prove that the group has extremely questionable and dangerous motives. Last March, members of the group disrupted an Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) Mock Election being conducted in Malindi. Armed with machetes, they attacked staff and voters claiming that since Pwani was not a part of Kenya, they weren't going to allow the election exercise to continue. The group then threatened to disrupt the on-going Kenya's National Examinations while again telling residents to abstain from voting in next year's general election. On October 8th, seven MRC members were arrested and charged with inciting violence for their role in an attack at a rally for Fisheries Minister Amason Kingi, in which four people lost their lives. Infact, the Internal Security Minister Katoo Ole Metito has revealed that an investigation has shown that MRC members were to blame for a spate of insecurity cases that have recently plagued the region. He explained that the group poses a series threat because of their intention of disrupting the coming General Elections. The Coast Provincial Commissioner is of the opinion that the MRC are using violence as a strategy to seek attention for their agenda. The Coast Police Chief believes the MRC is taking advantage of the High Court ruling that was in their favour to freely engage in criminal activities. The Attorney General however appealed against that ruling in August, citing the group as a threat to national security. The case is now pending in the Court of Appeal.
Meanwhile, a fresh ban has been slapped on the MRC by the government after a Court established that the group was not registered and was therefore an illegal entity. The Court further ordered the police to arraign all the group's leaders to face charges in Court. Currently, nominated MP Sheikh Dor, the MRC Chairman and his wife, the MRC spokesman and the MRC treasurer face various charges including incitement, unlawful possession of firearms and funding the activities of an illegal group. President Kibaki in his Mashujaa day speech warned the MRC that Kenya is a unitary state and that any thoughts of secession would not be entertained. The President promised hard and decisive action against the group and anyone else who threatened the peace of the country. The President also rubbished MRC's claim to the coastal strip as a distortion of history.
The MRC has consistently been loyal to its mantra "Pwani si Kenya" (The Coast is not part of Kenya), citing a treaty between the British Colonial government and Sultan Seyyid Hamed bin Thwain, who was the then Sultan of Zanzibar, as proof of the autonomy of the coastal strip. The group further attributes its secessionist drive to what it deems to be historical injustices that revolve around land and unfair distribution of national resources. The MRC may have legitimate grievances that need to be addressed and looked into. But they are losing and will continue to lose the sympathy of Kenyans with their continued insistence on violence and secession. Trying to divide Kenyans especially with the 07-08-post election violence still in our recent past is a dangerous way forward. Reports of leaflets circulating in the coast warning 'non coastal people' to leave the region are very sad indeed. This sort of thinking should be discouraged. Threatening to disrupt the coming elections is a rather myopic way of looking at things. In the new dispensation availed by the new Constitution, one of the ways the people of Mombasa and the coastal region in general can address and correct what they believe to be historical injustices, is by electing the right leaders in the coming elections. These leaders can then ensure better policies for the region, which will ensure a better Kenya for us all.
Public pressure, personal convictions, vested interests, legal counsel...name it. These are the countless possibilities that might have influenced the final act of Nancy Baraza, who had served as the Deputy Chief Justice (DCJ) of Kenya under the new constitution for seven months after being sworn in. Her resignation was seen as a relief to the Judiciary.
Nancy Baraza, who also acted as the Deputy President of the Supreme Court, was accused of assaulting a security guard by drawing a gun while the security guard tried to screen her during a routine security check at the entrance of a shopping mall in Nairobi. The security checks have become a requirement at malls, hotels, churches and other important buildings due to the on going terror attacks and threats in the country.
The matter was shortly committed to a tribunal for determination and upon the evidence produced; the tribunal found that the DCJ had committed gross misconduct and misbehavior. Rule 12 of the Judicial Service Code of Conduct and Ethics states as follows:
"A judicial officer and any other officer in the Judicial Service shall ensure that his official and private conduct upholds at all times, the dignity and integrity of the Judicial Service by conducting himself, both officially and in private, in a dignified, honest and impeccable manner."
The tribunal recommended for her removal from office, followed by a consequent bid by the Director of Public Prosecution to institute criminal charges against the DCJ. This was seen as an act to promote trust and efficient judicial services in the country.
Baraza handed in her resignation to the Judicial Service Commission (JSC), saying she expected no justice from the Supreme Court and in particular her immediate boss Willy Mutunga. Article 167(5) of the Constitution provides that the Chief Justice and any other judge may resign by giving a written notice to the President. She also withdrew her appeal to the Supreme Court against the Tribunal's decision, where she wanted the court to overturn the tribunal's recommendations and findings, stating that they could not form the basis of her removal from office. The suit was to be heard by a five-judge Bench comprising Chief Justice Willy Mutunga, judges Smokin Wanjala, Jackton Ojwang, Philip Tunoi and Njoki Ndung'u.
The Constitution of Kenya dedicates a whole chapter to Leadership and Integrity matters that is aimed at weeding out the unscrupulous breed of leaders and state officers that the Country has had in the past decades. Article 73 (1)(b) states that the authority assigned to a State Officer vests in him the responsibility to serve people rather than the power to rule them. Authority assigned to a State officer/Public officer is a public trust that should at all times bring honor to the nation and dignity to the office; promote public confidence in the integrity of the office and demonstrate respect for the people. Article 75 of the Constitution clearly states that whether in public places, official places, in private or in association with other persons, a state officer shall behave in a manner that avoids demeaning the office the officer holds. These measures have been put in place to ensure impeccable performances in the various institutions of this Nation, and the Judiciary should be at the fore-front in restoring the people's confidence in the system.
Baraza's predicament has been seen as a test of the spirit of equality of all before the law. Chapter Six of our Constitution deals with leadership and Integrity. This is important because the public needs to have confidence in the constitutional offices. All State officers are constitutionally required to bring honour to their office in both their public and private dealings. Kenyans should make an effort to promote the spirit of the Constitution by electing a new 'crop' of leaders who are ready to serve with integrity, accountability, discipline and commitment, and whose behaviors' are above reproach.
The trial for the four Kenyans, Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta, Eldoret North MP William Ruto, former Head of Public Service Francis Muthaura and radio presenter Joshua Arap Sang will start in April next year at the International Criminal Court.
A statement from The Hague based Court declared that the cases against William Ruto and Joshua Arap Sang will start on April 10, 2013 while that of Uhuru Kenyatta and Francis Muthaura will commence on April 13, 2013.
The four are facing charges of perpetrating the post-election unrest of 2008 that followed the disputed 2007 presidential vote.
Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto are potential candidates in the presidential elections set for March 4th next year. The fact that the dates have been set a month after the general elections may dampen the enthusiasm of some of their supporters. They will have doubts electing individuals who will in the very next month head to the International Criminal Court for trial. Many of the men's supporters had however feared that the court would order a trial before the election, perhaps preventing them from running at all. Kenyatta and Ruto's lawyers had campaigned for a trial date after the election. The new dates will therefore allow the two to campaign without any worry of being taken for trial before the general elections. This comes as a big relief to them.
The indictment of an elected president would put Kenya into a similar position as that of Sudan, whose President Omar Hassan al-Bashir is wanted by the International Criminal Court to face charges of genocide and other atrocities.
Any conviction of an elected president would dismay investors and Western governments, many of whom wanted the two men to face the court before the election. The key risk to the economy is that an individual indicted for war crimes is elected as the 4th president of the republic.
Kenya's next general election will be under intense scrutiny as it will be the first under a new constitution and the first since the 2007 poll that gave rise to deadly skirmishing in a country previously seen as a relative haven of peace in a troubled region.
The International Criminal Court has just handed down its first sentence, jailing for 14 years a Congolese warlord who recruited and used children under the age of 15 in his Union of Congolese Patriots militia during fighting in Congo's eastern Ituri region in 2002-2003. Thomas Lubanga was arrested by United Nation peacekeepers in 2005 and sent to stand trial in The Hague.
Children as young as 11 years of age were recruited from their homes and schools to take part in brutal ethnic fighting. They were taken to military training camps and beaten and drugged. Girls were used as sex slaves.
Lubanga had pleaded his innocence and said he had not supported the use of child soldiers by the Union of Congolese Patriots militia, But in a unanimous decision, the judges said Lubanga was responsible.
He was convicted by the International Criminal Court on 14th March 2012. The 51-year-old is the first person convicted since the court was set up 10 years ago. Taking into account time in custody, he will now serve a further eight years.
Similarly, we hope justice will not only be done but will be seen to be done for the people of Kenya.
Following an invite of applications by the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) in conformity with international best practices and in the spirit of accountability and transparency in carrying out its activities, to various organizations that wished to be accredited as long term observers in the forthcoming elections, the East African Centre for Law and Justice emerged among the successful applicants.
Election monitoring is the observation of an election by one or more independent parties, typically from another country or a non-governmental organization (NGO), primarily to assess the conduct of an election process on the basis of national legislation and international standards. There are national and international election observers. Monitors do not directly prevent electoral fraud, but rather record and report such instances. Election observation increasingly looks at the entire electoral process over a longer period of time, rather than at election-day proceedings only. The legitimacy of an election can be affected by the criticism of monitors, provided that they are themselves seen as unbiased. High standards are expected of them in terms of their professional and personal conduct. A notable individual is often appointed honorary leader of a monitoring organization in an effort to enhance its own legitimacy. Monitoring the election campaign provides an opportunity to assess respect for fundamental freedoms and the commitment of state institutions to conduct an election according to accepted democratic principles, specifically the equal and fair treatment of all election subjects.
The East Africa Centre for Law and Justice is now certified to act as an observer in the ongoing electoral processes. The following are some activities among others that are expected of election observers:
Voter Registration
Voter Education
Election logistics
General Elections
By participating in the observation process, East Africa Centre for Law and Justice will ensure transparency in the electoral process and that integrity is upheld in the conduct of this process. This is in order to avoid a recurrence of electoral-related violence as lack of transparency and accountability hinders governance that is democratic.
Democracy is about far more than elections. However, the holding of transparent, accountable and credible elections is an important cornerstone of the democratic process in any country, and election observers can make a significant contribution in this process.
Gambian lawyer Fatou Bensouda, reached the pinnacle of international justice on Friday the 15th of June 2012 when she became the chief prosecutor at the world's war crimes court, the International Criminal Court.
The 51-year-old one-time attorney in mainland Africa's smallest nation, Bensouda is now the public face of the International Criminal Court, The Hague-based tribunal that was established a decade ago with a brief to bring those accused of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity to justice.
Bensouda, the first woman and the first African to head the team of prosecutors after serving as predecessor Luis Moreno-Ocampo's number two since 2004, has vowed to work for justice for Africans.
She has already carved out a reputation in legal circles for her dogged investigations of atrocities such as the Rwandan genocide and the use of child soldiers in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The court (ICC) has been the target of widespread criticism from within Africa as every one of the 25 suspects who have been the target of investigations or prosecutions to date have hailed from there.
The list includes Sudan's President Omar al-Bashir and the late Libyan dictator Moaner Gaddafi while Ivory Coast's toppled leader Laurent Gbagbo is currently awaiting trial in the Netherlands.
But, rather than worrying about the status of the suspects, Bensouda says she sees her task as an opportunity "to give victims the voice they need".
Bensouda has spent the last eight years as the number two to Argentina's Moreno-Ocampo, most of that time heading the ICC's prosecution division.
She first came to prominence in international legal circles as a trial attorney at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha, Tanzania, and later as its senior legal advisor.
Since her election as the ICC's deputy prosecutor in August 2004, she has been involved in some of the court's most high profile cases.
Her CV includes the ICC's first successful prosecution in March when Congolese warlord Thomas Lubanga was found guilty of abducting children as young as 11 and forcing them to fight.
Bensouda entered the international justice arena in May 2002 as a trial attorney for the ICTR prosecutor's office, taking to task those responsible for the 1994 Rwandan genocide in which some 800,000 people were slaughtered.
With the ongoing Kenyan cases all we hope for is justice with the new chief prosecutor in office.
Clashes at the coast province last week left 48 villagers dead. 31 women, 11 children and 6 men. 60 cattle were also slaughtered in the attacks. This recent spate of attacks between the Orma and Pokomo communities had been triggered by a need for revenge and retaliation, the subject of conflict being pasture and water. This conflict had been brewing over some time so it's fair to say that the calamity could have been avoided. The question that now lingers is 'why were the authorities reluctant to forestall an attack of this kind, last witnessed in the 2007-2008 Post - election violence?' Inter-clan clashes are not an unusual occurrence in the country with Tana, Mandera and wajir having already been haunted by such. The acting Internal Security Minister, Yusuf Haji was keen to point out that all provincial administration officials in those areas would henceforth be held accountable if more attacks were to happen. Some allegations indicate that these attacks were politically instigated and so investigations are underway. The Internal Security Minister has called for an immediate disarmament of civilians.
Meanwhile, Kenya has been threatened with sanctions if nothing is done to implement proper counterterrorism measures to deal with the on-going terror related activities. The government has been accused of being reluctant to effect the adoption of a legal regime that will serve the purpose of tracking drug traffickers, money launderers and terrorist financing. Kenya has suffered a series of terrorist attacks and the urgency of such a law cannot be ignored. Drugs, money laundering as well as terrorism are said to be interconnected. Kenya is in danger of being blacklisted by an international coalition fighting terrorism, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF). The FATF are the global standard setting body for anti-money laundering and for combating the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT). The FATF warned in a report published in June this year that if Kenya does not take measures by October 2012, its members shall apply countermeasures that are "proportionate to the risks associated with Kenya".
The assassination of Sheikh Aboud Rogo on Monday, 24th by unknown assailants who had been trailing him has sparked animosity and furious attacks which have targeted the police and churches in Mombasa. Both Kenyan and US authorities had linked Sheikh Aboud Rogo to the Al-Shabaab and Al-Qaeda groups. He had been accused of funding the terrorist groups by the earlier released UN and US reports. The killing has been strongly condemned by both the Christian and Muslim societies and the Prime Minister has called for calm and restraint as he affirmed the government's commitment to bring the culprits to book. We hope that justice will be upheld and that the rule of law will prevail to ensure that the persons behind this answer for the unwarranted act. Together with this, those behind the burning of churches in Mombasa ought to be apprehended and dealt with in accordance to the law as this is not about inter-religious combats.
Part of Regent University's mission to train Christian leaders to change the world includes engaging with international partners across the globe. The School of Education (SOE), in partnership with the American Center for Law and Justice (ACLJ), is doing just that in Kenya as they build relationships with several universities and educators throughout the country.
During the spring semester, SOE professors Dr. Mervyn Wighting and Dr. Gail Derrick traveled to Nairobi, Kenya, to meet with national education officials and university representatives from Pan Africa Christian University, Kenyatta University, the University of Nairobi and Moi University.
Wighting and Derrick's meetings with these institutions led to discussions about future student exchange programs, research partnerships with professors and, most notably, the possible design of a full education program for Pan Africa Christian University (PAC).
Wighting and Derrick's meetings also included discussions with the Kenyan Ministry of Education director and deputy directors, as well as the director for adult education.
"Our discussion focused upon teacher training and the issues of access, equity, relevance and quality," Derrick said. "The use of online learning generated a lengthy discussion. The director was most interested in our delivery options and experience in online professional development for teachers and administrators, as well as continuing education options."
Kenyan educators in the distant provinces do not have the opportunity to attend professional development events due to distance and time. The issue of how to reach nomadic populations of children using online or other technology formats, such as CDs, was also discussed. Regent, Derrick explained, is specially equipped to help these educators get the professional development they need and the necessary resources for their students because of their success with online classroom models.
During the trip, Wighting and Derrick also conducted several professional development workshops for teachers at local high schools and K-12 schools in the Kenyan cities of Nairobi, Chogoria, Mwatate and Nakuru. At these workshops, they also collected data in order to prepare a cost analysis report for what future partnerships with these schools could feasibly entail.
Many of the trip's meetings and contacts were arranged due in large part to the ACLJ's in-country support for education. Their connections facilitated the planning and implementation of SOE's initiatives. "We [were] very well received throughout the journey and have established contacts in every area we visited with the possibility of establishing cohorts and continuing education programs," Derrick said.
"Our time in Kenya far exceeded our expectations," Wighting reported. "The teachers we met and worked with were very appreciative as they view the education of Kenyan children as the catalyst to national development."
A second visit to Kenya to conduct further workshops is in the works for fall 2012.
Story from www.regent.edu
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